Journal Of Global Strategic Studies https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS <p>Program Studi Magister Hubungan Internasional<br> Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Dan Ilmu Politik<br> Universitas Jenderal Achmad Yani</p> en-US <h2 id="CopyrightNotice">Copyright Notice</h2> <p>The Authors submitting a manuscript do so on the understanding that if accepted for publication, copyright of the article shall be assigned to&nbsp;<strong><em>Journal of Global Strategic Studies</em></strong>, Department of Master of International Relations,&nbsp;Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas&nbsp;Jenderal Achmad Yani&nbsp;as publisher of the journal.<br>Copyright encompasses rights to reproduce and deliver the article in all form and media, including reprints, photographs, microfilms, and any other similar reproductions, as well as translations.<br><strong><em>Journal of Global Strategic Studies</em></strong>, Department of Master of International Relations,&nbsp;Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas&nbsp;Jenderal Achmad Yani and the Editors make every effort to ensure that no wrong or misleading data, opinions or statements be published in the journal. In any way, the contents of the articles and advertisements published in&nbsp;<strong><em>Journal of Global Strategic Studies</em></strong>&nbsp;are the sole and exclusive responsibility of their respective authors</p> tholhah@lecture.unjani.ac.id (Tholhah) ysulaiman@gmail.com (Yohanes Sulaiman) Mon, 09 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 OJS 3.1.0.1 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Donald Trump’s Spheres of Influence Strategic Doctrine https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/2842 <p>The second Trump administration is disrupting both longstanding U.S. foreign policy and the foundations of the liberal world order. Under Trump 2.0, America has junked its strategic policy of global liberal hegemony in favor of&nbsp;a doctrine of spheres of influence. At bottom, Washington now pursues a coercive, rapacious, power-driven approach to the broader Western hemisphere, threatening and bullying neighbors and allies, while at the same time leaving Russia and China with the requisite space and freedom to do as they wish in their own geopolitical backyards. The dramatic transformation in U.S. foreign policy is rapidly ushering in a new global order that is grounded in a tripolar structure (U.S., Russia, and China) that privileges great power interests and aggression at the expense of the old rules, norms, and institutions of the post-WWII era. As the old order is weakened if not wiped clean away, the international system today lacks firm guardrails, and the security of the global weak is especially at risk. What can somewhat ameliorate this emerging problem is a non-aggression compact, or even a concert,&nbsp;among the three superpowers, as this could dampen the prospect of a hegemonic war and keep each out of the&nbsp;others’ sphere of influence.</p> Bradley Nelson ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/2842 Sat, 07 Jun 2025 08:18:57 +0700 Australia's Nuclear-Powered Submarine Future https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/3528 <p><em>In spite of periodic tensions, the Australia-Indonesia relationship has historically been characterized by cooperation instead of competition. However, Jakarta’s official expressions of concern in response to Canberra’s plans to acquire nuclear-powered submarines under the AUKUS pact in 2021 prompted a recalibration of bilateral ties. Now, amidst significant upheaval of the global geopolitical landscape, this article revisits Indonesia’s reaction to the announcement, the factors that shaped its response, and the security agreement’s enduring implications for Australia-Indonesia relations. The article contends that for Australia, AUKUS has become a necessity to reduce the capability gap between itself and China. From the Indonesian perspective, a disconnect exists between official and unofficial views on AUKUS. Within Indonesia’s policymaking circles, there is an implicit understanding, communicated through informal channels, of the agreement’s potential benefits, despite public expressions of concern. For the Australia-Indonesia bilateral relationship, which has developed from a notably low base, AUKUS ultimately portends both challenges and opportunities in the realm of defence cooperation and beyond.&nbsp; </em></p> Justin Khouw ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/3528 Fri, 30 May 2025 00:00:00 +0700 Social Media Engagement & Listening https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/3526 <p><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">Until now, academic </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">literature </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">has described p</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">ublic diplomacy and strategic communication as </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">two </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">distinct</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">; </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">analogous</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">; connected; occasionally conflicting or incompatible; constitutive or subordinate to the other concepts. Still, their </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">correlation has yet to be clearly defined</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">.</span> <span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">Nonetheless</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">, a strategic approach to public diplomacy communication </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">efforts </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">would provide PD actors with the necessary tools to better assess and evaluate input, output and the impacts and outcomes of their </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">campaigns and policies</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">. </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">This article </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">identif</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">ies</span> <span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">four communication components</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8"> with strategic value in public diplomacy:</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8"> the Message, the Medium, Engagement and Listening</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">. These components </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">can </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">fulfil </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">both relational and strategic functions and provide </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">the </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">basis for </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">a </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">successful implementation of </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">essential </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">strategic tools, such as </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">audience analysis, message strategy, channel choice, program assessment and measurable goals and </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">objectives</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">.</span> <span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">The suggested </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">approach c</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">ould serve as a starting point for</span> <span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">enhancing the effectiveness of applied public diplomacy or for </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">developing new public diplomacy strategies</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">, that would serve better the interests of both governments and </span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">their foreign audiences</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">.&nbsp;</span><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW262049451 BCX8">&nbsp;</span></p> Nestor Tyrovouzis ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/3526 Sun, 01 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 The Global South in a Multipolar World Order: https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/3480 <p style="font-weight: 400;">In the context of the Global South, this research examines the dynamics of relations between Indonesia and China, with a particular emphasis on economic cooperation, diplomacy, and geopolitical influence. This research primarily examines the impact of the Indonesia-China strategic partnership on the economic development of Indonesia and the ASEAN region, as evidenced by initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It also examines the potential economic dependency and geopolitical conflict in the South China Sea and the implications of this cooperation for developing countries. This study concludes that the Indonesia-China partnership can serve as a model of South-South collaboration that contributes to a more equitable multipolar global order. However, it necessitates strategic balance to prevent over-dependence. This conclusion is reached through a qualitative approach.</p> Virdika Rizky Utama ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/3480 Mon, 02 Jun 2025 00:00:00 +0700 Indonesia's Economic Foreign Policy Towards Thailand on Cross-Border Payment https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/3339 <p><em>The payment digitalisation</em><em> leads to financial integration with the cross-border payment implemented by ASEAN. This implementation is being conducted bilaterally among ASEAN member states, for instance between Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed by each central bank since 2022 aims to reduce the US dollar dependency which shows positive and progressive results. This issue is interesting to be studied further as the transaction of rupiah to ringgit is higher compared to baht, but Indonesia conducted the implementation of cross-border payment using QR Code for the first time with Thailand. Furthermore, there is a currency rate conversion between Indonesia and Thailand from each central bank. This article uses qualitative research methods with qualitative and quantitative data usage. Using the foreign economic policy which refers to Hiscox (2014), this article found that Indonesia has been cooperating with Thailand in using QR Code due to the exchange rate agreement between IDR and THB to maintain the stability of the exchange rates of each currency, people movement to travel that showed an increment in QR Code transactions, to perceive the mutual gains and recovery for the tourism and SMEs sectors, and private sector and independent central back involvement within this implementation.</em></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><em>Keywords: </em><em>Cross-border payment; Indonesia; QR Code; Thailand</em></p> Rizka Maharani ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/3339 Sat, 07 Jun 2025 08:23:02 +0700 Security Threats In The Humanitarian Crisis In Ethiopia https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/3134 <p><em>This study aims to explain the security threats in the humanitarian crisis in Ethiopia from 2020 to 2023, this study is a descriptive study. The data of this study uses data collection techniques in the nature of library research. Qualitative data analysis is the method used. The results of this study indicate that the conflict in Ethiopia caused a humanitarian crisis. From the study reviewed using the concept of Human Security because to analyze the threat of war crimes which are divided into: security in the fields of economy, food, health, environment, and security for individuals.</em></p> Yudha Sabriansyah Sidiq, Uni Wahyuni Sagena ##submission.copyrightStatement## http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://ejournal.fisip.unjani.ac.id/index.php/JGSS/article/view/3134 Sat, 07 Jun 2025 08:16:12 +0700